Black Deaf People in Higher Education

Dianne Brooks, Carl M. Moore, and Shirley Allen

National Technical Institute for the Deaf

Introduction

Black deaf people remain underrepresented in postsecondary educational and vocational training programs for deaf people. The failure to address the needs of this particular population has had a domino effect on the educational attainment, employment, and social and economic status of Black deaf people. The problem is a persistent one, and essentially reflects the educational system’s inability to make reasonable accommodations for Black deaf youth and adults. Bridging programs and remedial interventions are but two areas of need; a more visible and assertive role by Black deaf leadership and the Black deaf community at large is needed as well.

This paper presents a demographic analysis of the Black deaf population as it relates to the current status of Black deaf people in the higher education milieu. An attempt is made to define the problems, issues, and concerns that have a far-reaching impact on the Black deaf population as a whole with regard to educational preparation, career awareness, and career preparedness. Particular emphasis is given to the issues of recruitment and retention of Black deaf people in postsecondary educational institutions and training programs. A profile of Black deaf enrollment in a postsecondary program will be presented as an illustration of the problem and relevant issues. Several principles and strategies will be presented in the context of a collaborative team approach involving organizations, professionals, parents, and the Black deaf community in serving the needs of Black deaf people in higher education.

The definitions of attrition (dropping out of college) and retention (staying in college) vary considerably from college to college; because of this, some findings can be confusing and unreliable. Deaf students are likely to have many of the same problems with attrition and retention as Black students. The problems stem from a lack of understanding of needs, bias against the unknown, segregation within the college community, and limited support services. While there is mention of specific recruiting for Black students on white campuses, there is no such discussion related to deaf students on hearing campuses. On campus, deaf students are more likely to be systematically grouped as a minority, whereas Black students are simply ignored. It is no wonder that Black deaf students are an invisible group who strive to participate within the mainstream of higher education.

Minority student retention is heavily influenced by teachers’ attitudes. Some minority students feel that teachers perceive them as having decidedly less academic interest and ability than the majority students. To help alleviate this situation, teachers should be hired with special training in counseling and advising minority students. Without the expertise of those who know, and the interest of those who believe and care, the segregation and alienation of Black deaf students will continue in institutions of higher education.

Recruitment

Approximately 31 years ago, a pioneering research effort was undertaken to assess the educational and vocational status of deaf people in America. This study, the Lunde-Bigman report of 1959, noted an “underrepresentation” of minorities participating in the study; however, the responses of the few Black participants made it clear that Black deaf people as a population lagged significantly behind their non-Black counterparts in educational and vocational attainment. Researchers further concluded that the small number of Black deaf people included in the study was yet another example of the disparity in social, economic, and educational attainment among Black deaf youth and adults. This disparity, they maintained, led to a certain “invisibility” of Black deaf people.

Thirty-one years later, in the face of tremendous strides made by deaf people in the areas of education, vocation, community advocacy, and legal advocacy, we are still faced with much the same dilemma. Why are there so few Black deaf people visible in the mainstream of deaf society? Why do so few Black deaf youth and adults go on to postsecondary educational programs? Why are they not benefitting from the advanced educational and vocational opportunities available to white deaf youth and adults?

It is estimated that minorities (Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians) make up 21% of the population (Fischgrund, Cohen, & Clarkson, 1988). The Black student population, like other non-White populations, is concentrated in what is called a “band” of states. Within this band, which extends along the seaboard from New York to Texas to California, minority students constitute the majority of the school age population; Nash (1988) confirmed this phenomenon, adding Florida to the list.

A 1985–86 Annual National Survey of Assessment and Demographic Studies noted that of the 48,720 deaf students surveyed, 17.5% are Black (Fischgrund et al., 1988). It appears that there exists a significant number of school-aged Black deaf children and youth in this country; to date, however, there has been little or no research on the educational status or academic achievement of this population. A cursory glance at postsecondary programs for deaf students reveals that very few Black deaf students are enrolling in or graduating from these programs. As one looks closer, it becomes increasingly evident that the problems faced by Black deaf students in higher education are not altogether different from the problems faced by their Black hearing counterparts.

Despite the fact that minority enrollment has steadily declined since 1980, a recent study conducted by the Ford Foundation reported that fewer than one-third of the colleges surveyed had specific recruitment and retention programs aimed at minority students. The study, which was conducted by the New York State Department of Education, also suggested a relationship between higher college admissions standards and lower minority enrollment; it is believed that this relationship further illustrates the racial inequities of the educational system. However, even in those institutions that have special recruiting and retention programs for minority students, underrepresentation is a complex phenomenon that requires a sensitivity to the demographic, social, economic, and cultural considerations that impact the educational status of minority students.

Historically, estimates of the incidence of deafness among minority groups has been low, and it is believed that this underestimation of the population has reinforced an underestimation of their needs (Moores, 1987). Black deaf children, like their white deaf peers, are likely to be members of a family milieu in which parents and siblings are normally hearing; this means that the Black deaf child is first and foremost influenced by all the social, cultural, and economic conditions that impact Black families today. While deafness is an all-encompassing disability, it does not preclude the child’s racial and ethnic heritage, nor the social conditions that surround the child’s family. Today, the contemporary Black family is described as being in a “crisis” (Morgan, 1990), and certain fundamental issues relative to this “crisis” may have direct impact on the Black deaf child:

1.Black families earn significantly less than white families.

In 1983, half of all black families had incomes below $14,000, and 44% of black children lived in poverty conditions.

Given this profile, it is probable that a minority child or family living in conditions of poverty may not consider education, particularly postsecondary education, an attainable goal; a deaf child adds another dimension to the problem. The family of a deaf child must make decisions that extend beyond the discovery and diagnostic process to include educational placement, individual educational planning, and other interventive and remedial needs. These decisions must be made during the early, formative years, and eventually will influence the educational, personal, and social development of the deaf child. Educational aspirations, support, and on-going family involvement may be absent to the deaf child born into a family for whom economic survival is a daily priority.

Ideally, personal and social qualities complementary to the learning experience are expected to develop within the family unit; feelings of personal worth, perseverance, and valuation of achievement are to be nurtured and reinforced within the child. The Black deaf child whose family milieu is lacking the tools to provide for such growth ordinarily turns to others, such as the school, church, or any number of service and professional organizations. This is not to imply a minimizing of the roles, responsibilities, and significance of the child’s family, but rather to recognize the need for support to parents and families in nurturing the child toward full self-actualization.

2.Fewer black students actually apply to postsecondary educational programs than do white students.

As previously mentioned, minority enrollment in postsecondary educational institutions has declined steadily in the past decade; 47% of the colleges surveyed by the New York State Department of Education reported lower enrollments for Black students since 1980. Figure 1 offers an illustrative example that traces the number of Black deaf students enrolled in a postsecondary educational program over the last five years. Black applicants make up approximately 3% of the students enrolled in this program each year. However, while the number of Black students has steadily declined, the number of non-Black minority students has increased slightly. Figure 2 presents a breakdown of the students applying for admission to a postsecondary educational institution during the 1989 academic year (Nash, 1988).

Blacks made up just 9% of all applicants (white and non-white), and 45% of minority applicants. Only slightly less than half of the Blacks qualified for admission, making up 7% of all students accepted. To qualify for admission, applicants were expected to have an overall eighth grade achievement level.

Figure 1.

These data point to a number of issues regarding the academic achievement of Black deaf children and youth. First, academic institutions of higher education should recognize that the recruiting of Black deaf students must extend beyond the parameters of traditional recruiting methods. For many institutions, traditional recruiting strategies include sending recruiters to Career Day, Career Fairs, and College Night activities sponsored by local high schools or parent organizations; other techniques include the use of a wide array of audiovisual and printed materials to “sell” college or university programs. While such methods have proven effective in recruiting white students, they tend to have very little impact on the minority student. The absence of minority recruiters, faculty, alumni, and student representation in every facet of traditional recruiting efforts tends, in fact, to send a mixed message with regard to the college community’s commitment to attracting, serving, and retaining minority students.

Figure 2.

Further, postsecondary educational institutions must do more to “nurture” potential Black deaf applicants. Most recruiting programs target high school students near the end of their senior year, which is often too late to have any significant influence on educational status. Postsecondary educational aspirations must be fostered early in the educational process; career education and awareness and cooperative remedial intervention between colleges, secondary schools, and community-based organizations are needed. Postsecondary educational institutions can contribute much to the training and preparation of teachers of the deaf in areas related to cultural diversity, ethnic studies, and teaching and learning strategies to foster a sense of pride, self-worth, academic persistence, and achievement for Black deaf children and youth.

The data on Black deaf people in higher education illustrates the fact that this population remains underserved; it also points out that, in addition to their deafness, Black deaf children are affected by the same social conditions that impact the general Black community. A concerted effort on the part of postsecondary educational programs for the deaf, community organizations, elementary and secondary school programs, and teacher training programs would represent a mutually beneficial “investment” toward helping Black deaf children realize their full potential.

Attrition and Retention

The attrition and retention of Black deaf students in higher education is a nationally recognized problem. There are many organizations and departments set up in colleges and universities to focus on the needs of Black students. Obviously, much needs to be done.

From the beginning, the college-bound Black student must choose between two undesirable alternatives: either attend an inferior, predominantly Negro college, or attend a school where “the emotional strain of being one of very few blacks in a white student body may outweigh or affect the very value of a potentially better education” (Corson, 1970). O. C. Wortham (1983), who directed a special program for Black students at Antioch College, says the college experience for Blacks on white campuses can be one long “bad trip.” Few students go through so much anguish for so little education. There are many struggles to be fought within themselves, such as the guilt of having an advantage over family and friends in the ghetto, and frustration and ambivalence in dealing with white students who have been given a much better preparation for higher education in early childhood. Having your nose rubbed into your academic deficiencies day in and day out, with the silent ghost of the “inferiority” doctrine hovering in the background, is hardly a happy situation or one likely to bring out a student’s best ability.

Felice (1981) pointed out that there are three primary determinants of a minority student’s perception of the efficacy of the educational exchange program: 1) the student’s perception of the openness of the occupational structure (what remaining in the school exchange process brings in terms of future benefits); 2) the student’s perception of racial prejudice and discrimination in schools (what remaining in the school exchange process brings in immediate costs); and 3) the teachers’ attitudes and expectations of minority students (what remaining in the school exchange process brings in immediate benefits and/or costs). Burbach and Thompson (1973) found that Blacks in predominantly white institutions drop out in significantly greater numbers than do others. Noel and Burbach (1978) reported that “with respect to social atmosphere, our findings indicate that the Black school is perceived to be more supportive and congenial.” This finding is suggested by student reports that, in the Black schools, instructors more frequently knew students by name, and there was more of a “group spirit” among the students.

One of the most replicated, central findings from research on stratification and occupational mobility is that the primary determinant of occupational success, more important than family background, measured intelligence, or school grade point average, is the number of years of education completed (Felice, 1981). Yet, for every 10 students who enter college in the United States, only four will graduate from that college four years later (Pantages & Creedon, 1978). Summerskill (1962) observed that attrition has been variously defined as the percentage of students lost to a particular division within a college, lost to the college, or lost to higher education as a whole. Panos and Astin (1968) defined a non-dropout as a student who attended college for four years or more; they did not use graduation as a criterion.

The demographic factors that are associated with attrition are age, sex, socioeconomic status, parental education, ethnicity, social status, hometown location and size, and size and type of high school; Lenning, Beal, and Sauer (1980) list other factors under students’ characteristics, interactions, and external forces and variables. Authors view factors for attrition from different points of view, but most of the literature strongly encourages the use of counseling in retention efforts. Endo and Harpel (1979) concluded that the two most important services provided by postsecondary educational institutions are advising and interpretation of test scores; they further concluded that the earlier and more frequent the advising, the greater the possibility that the student will persist in school.

In a study by Astin (1973), boredom with classes was cited as the most common reason for dropping out. Astin believes that certain factors are crucial in predicting which freshmen will drop out: past academic records and academic abilities; degree plans at the time of college entrance; religious background and religious preference; concern about college finances; study habits; and educational attainment of parents, in that order. Except for study habits, which included some unexpected finding, this pattern of predictors is generally consistent with the results of earlier dropout studies. To help reduce the number of drop outs, Lenning et al. (1980) developed 12 single-facet retention approaches:

a.Admissions and recruiting — insufficient information during recruitment can be misleading, thus frustrating students after their arrival on campus;

b.Advising — there should be careful selection of both peer and faculty advisors;

c.Counseling — appropriate counseling can and does improve the rate of retention;

d.Early warning and prediction — retention efforts should be directed at particular groups of students, with procedures established at admissions time;

e.Exit interviews — interviews can serve an action role in reducing attrition;

f.Extracurricular activities — meaningful participation in extracurricular activities would contribute to student retention;

g.Faculty, staff, and curricular development — appropriate selection and in-service development for faculty, staff, and curriculum must occur in order for the students to obtain a quality education that meets personal and career needs;

h.Financial aid — scholarships and grants relate positively to students’ retention, irrespective of ability;

i.Housing — retention can be enhanced through involving more students in meaningful residential activities and arranging the setting to stimulate or promote student-student and student-faculty interactions. Living in a dormitory during the freshman year increases the student’s chance of finishing college. The same applies to living in a fraternity or sorority house;

j.Learning and academic support — many learning centers have been expanded into learning assistance programs that target all students, rather than only remedial students;

k.Orientation — orientation should meet the needs of all new students, including transfers, minorities, and older students as well as the beginning college freshman;

l.Policy changes — changes in traditional policies may be crucial in influencing retention.

Naiman (1980) indicates that deaf students have the same needs as hearing students, with the addition of support services such as interpreters and notetakers. Further, there is a need for role models in professional positions; more deaf counselors, teachers, administrators, and tutors would be living proof that deaf people can be successful.

The Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VI, required institutions of higher learning to demonstrate that they were trying to end discriminatory practices in admissions by submitting enrollment figures according to ethnic grouping. Many universities responded by admitting large numbers of black students; some, though, claimed that a more active approach was necessary, and there were demands for the active seeking out of black students under what came to be the widely used term, “affirmative action.”

During this time, many problems appeared, some of which were self-defeating in a sense. There were the setting of quotas and the lowering of admission standards, with whites charging reverse discrimination. There was what came to be known as the “open” or “revolving door;” underqualified Blacks were ushered in, then ushered out of the schools after abortive attempts at higher education. University officials were pointing their fingers at high schools and community colleges, blaming them for the students’ deficiencies and high rate of attrition; they did not accept that the university which admits students has the obligation to provide support services.

Sowell (1972) suggested that there are many ways in which academic failures can be disguised: students may be steered away from tough courses, instructors, or majors; “incompletes” may be handed out instead of failing grades; or a student who would otherwise flunk out of college may be “given another chance.” He may even be allowed to take a “voluntary, temporary” leave of absence from school, never to return. In this way, official attrition rates are kept low on paper, regardless of how many students waste years of their lives and leave with lasting scars.

Black deaf students are very likely to have the same problems with attrition and retention as Black hearing students; these problems stem from a lack of understanding of needs, bias against the unknown, segregation within the college community, and inadequate support services. While deaf people on hearing campuses are likely to be systematically grouped as a minority, Black students tend to be ignored. Many times, federal money is designated for special programs and services to minority students; when the money runs out, universities tend to drop these programs.

There are many factors influencing minority student retention, one of the most important of which is teachers’ attitudes; some students feel that teachers perceive minority students as having decidedly less academic interest and ability than the majority students. Emphasis should be placed on hiring persons with special training for working with minority groups. Counseling and advising skills for both common and unique problems are a must. Without the expertise of those who know and the applied knowledge of those who believe and care, the segregation and alienation that many Black deaf students experience will very likely continue.

The Community

In 1982, in a landmark meeting that brought together Black deaf people, Black parents, and minority professionals in the fields of special education and rehabilitation, the National Black Deaf Advocates (NBDA) was born. At that time, the goals of NBDA were to identify, examine, and disseminate information related to the impact of social, economic, educational, and political issues on Black deaf Americans. NBDA was to serve as a forum through which such issues could be emphasized, and a means by which networks could be created to provide intervention, advocacy, and remediation.

Over the years, since that first meeting in Cleveland, Ohio, this organization has provided leadership opportunities for many young Black deaf Americans. NBDA now has 11 local chapters throughout the United States. These local chapters, called Black Deaf Advocates (BDA), were established in the following cities, listed here in successive order: Washington, D.C.; Cleveland, Ohio; Philadelphia, Pa.; New York, N.Y.; Atlanta, Ga.; Detroit, Mich.; Chicago, Ill.; Nashville, Tenn.; Oakland, Calif.; and Los Angeles, Calif.

The organizers of the NBDA realized the need for Black deaf people and supporters to work together to provide leadership and advocacy for the Black deaf population as a whole; they also recognized that NBDA must work within the framework of other organizations to accomplish this responsibility. By joining local chapters, members pledged their support and commitment to helping Black deaf people achieve greater educational, economic, and vocational success. The Cleveland, Ohio, meeting marked the first time in decades that Black deaf people came together in significant numbers, established a common set of goals, and began the long process of working to achieve those goals.

50/50 Responsibility?

The task of providing leadership and advocacy is a huge one, and the members of NBDA recognize the need for networking through existing avenues of community support and advocacy. One such avenue is the National Association of the Deaf, the oldest consumer organization of deaf people in the United States. The NAD, with an estimated 22,000 members and affiliations in all 50 states, serves as an advocate for more than 16 million deaf and hard of hearing people. Since both the NAD and the NBDA are working in the best interest of deaf people, it makes sense that the groups work together; shared needs and concerns provide a measure of unity and a common ground on which to address problems. Such a joint effort would facilitate the education, employment, and political advocacy for Black deaf people while recognizing the cultural diversity that exists within the deaf population; the political advocacy and unity needed to continue to fight for deaf rights would be enhanced, and racial and cultural minorities within the deaf population would be ensured the opportunity to share equally in the benefits of this effort.

Toward this end, Black deaf leaders need to speak on issues, needs, and solutions outside of the Black deaf community; the challenges of political rights and priorities for Black deaf children, youth, and adults must be addressed. In addition, Black deaf leaders should take more responsibility for educating the general public and promoting an awareness of the needs and concerns of those Black deaf people who still remain undereducated and underemployed.

Summary and Conclusion

As stated earlier, Black deaf people continue to represent an underserved population within the deaf community. The failure of our educational system for deaf students to address the particular problems and needs of minority deaf people in general, and Black deaf people in particular, has created what is best described as a domino effect on the educational attainment, employment, and social and economic status of Black deaf children, youth, and adults. To be sure, the problem is a complex and persistent one, and it reflects the inability of our educational system to provide reasonable accommodations for students of diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. In this particular context, reasonable accommodations may be defined as the provision of a teaching-learning environment that nurtures an appreciation for cultural differences, self-acceptance, a positive self-perception, and academic achievement and persistence.

Along with the contemporary social and economic problems that impact on many Black Americans, a Black deaf child is placed at an added disadvantage. To alleviate this problem, educational programs for deaf people must expand their traditional roles to include collaboration with each other, with the Black deaf community, and with other professionals and organizations. While much is needed in terms of intervention and remediation, a great deal can be accomplished by allowing Black deaf people to participate more fully in and benefit from educational opportunities.

Appendix

Following are the results of an opinion worksheet that was filled out by participants in a conference on Empowerment and Black Deaf Persons which focused on the theme of this paper: Black Deaf People in Higher Education. Approximately 25 workshop participants responded.

I. Recruitment

1. Why do so few Black deaf students apply to post-secondary education programs for the deaf?

•lack of encouragement from family and school

•lack of support: financial, tutorial, positive reinforcement

•lack of educational preparation

•lack of information

•lack of opportunities for career advancement

•lack of role models

•low self-esteem stemming from low expectations from high school

•no personal challenge to excel

•unsure of their right to education

•fear of failure

•Black deaf students tend not to be fully mainstreamed into educational activities and given the opportunity to become fully actualized

•lack of external encouragement, particularly when the student may be the first generation in the family of origin to even consider postsecondary education

•lack of communication with hearing family members: parents, siblings

•peer pressure that emphasizes getting a job after high school or getting married earlier

2. Our experience has been that Black deaf students who do apply to post-secondary educational programs have difficulty meeting minimum educational requirements. Why?

•differences in educational programs/inconsistent preparation

•lack of preparation particularly in the areas of English reading and writing skills

•lack of higher expectations

•this depends on the language, culture

•many of these students have become victims of institutional racism, bigotry, and discrimination due to the half-truths that have perpetuated within our educational institutions about Black people and their “inferiority”

•inferior academic placement: too many Black deaf students are routinely placed in special classes or vocational classes and never aspire to or get encouraged to attend college

3. How can we remedy this?

•require standard curriculum mandated by OSERS/Dept. of Education

•include requirements for teaching/support staff (e.g., sign language skills, content knowledge, etc.)

•require teachers to have information and knowledge on cultural aspects of deafness

•emphasize self-actualization from early childhood education onward

•more Black teachers employed, especially in grades K–5

•more supportive services by Black deaf professionals

•more individualized instruction

•offer four- or five-week summer programs to focus on reading, language, etc.

4. What attracts Black deaf students to institutions of higher education?

•more education/better jobs/more earning power

•prestige: being the first person in one’s family to go to college

•take Black deaf students on trips to visit college programs

•invite people from the community or educational institutions to give lectures to Black deaf students

•evidence of successful Black deaf alumni

•encouragement to go into fields other than education

•positive input from peers and role models

•financial support

•seeing other minorities at the school, such as students, counselors

5. Do we need special minority recruiters? Why?

•to understand special needs of minority students

•to “speak their language”

•to serve as role models

•to enhance the trust level

•to offer encouragement

•minority recruiters would provide a means of external support and serve as a viable connection for the Black deaf student

6. What can institutions of higher education do to attract Black deaf students?

•create minority scholarships

•offer support groups for Black deaf students

•have more Black deaf faculty/staff

•sponsor career days and internships for Black deaf students

•provide better training to faculty and staff regarding the needs of minority students

•offer remedial studies to minority students

•offer Black deaf students the same support and encouragement offered to white students

•show sensitivity to various minority cultural needs

•establish quotas for minority admissions

II. Attrition and Retention

1. What discourages Black deaf students from staying in institutions of higher learning?

•lack of support from peers as well as faculty/staff

•the lure of easy money from drugs

•English language is the main reason for discouraging Black deaf students

•Black people still carry the feeling of oppression from the past

•lack of educational preparation prior to entering the institution

•financial problems

•poor academic skills

•little or no encouragement

•discrimination

•fear

•problems at home

•frustration

•no support from either culture (Black or deaf)

•lack of motivation

•no interest in studies

•not fully mainstreamed

•lonely and isolated

•no encouragement to try other areas besides education

•no Black deaf professionals

•no one with awareness of Black deaf students’ needs

•no resources available

•satisfaction with current situation

•lack of will power

•not career driven

•hard to survive in white environment

•counselors/professionals have no time to deal with Black deaf problems

2. What encourages Black deaf students to stay in institutions of higher learning?

•feelings of importance

•knowledge of the importance of completing education

•being involved in decision making

•adequate financial aid

•peer and faculty support

•clubs/organizations of peers that increase communication

•encouragement from family/teachers

•being successful and making good grades

•having Black counselors as role models

•mentorship

•having career goals

•need to prove to themselves and others that they can succeed

•some get good support while in school

•feelings of acceptance

•the idea of what will happen in the future with a higher degree

•better attitudes from teachers

•financial advantage is realized

•support from upperclassmen

•support from academic counselors

•involvement in Black deaf groups/activities

•having someone who explains the rewards of staying in school

3. What are the similarities and differences between Black students at predominantly white institutions and Black deaf students at predominantly white deaf schools?

•both part of “Black minority” as perceived by predominantly white culture

•in both schools, Blacks are treated differently from others

•white schools of any kind, unfortunately, offer a more well-rounded education

•students have the same needs

•same cultural similarities

•cultural awareness

•lack of minority staff

•all are the same—in different shades

•both experience isolation

•difficulty in identifying with majority culture

•lack of financial support

The only response to differences was that of language (ASL). Most responders shied away from answering #3.

III. Community

1. What can the Black deaf community do to support Black deaf people in higher education?

•make it a priority to write and help each other

•set up scholarship funds for Black deaf youth for higher education

•advocate for funding for assistance for families, education programs, and service agencies working with Black deaf individuals

•set up sub-organizations within large organization of the National Black Deaf Advocates (NBDA)—“Education/Communication Network.” That would be helpful! To contact every schools where most Black and deaf children go to education them about the future. They would set up “What is there?” from time to time with a lot of encouragement from NBDA.

•offer financial, tutorial, and positive reinforcement types of support

•empowerment for all Black deaf persons as well as Black individuals to do well as a race

•instilling self-respect and providing information about the possible reward to come with achievement

•to help educate them about their needs

•to encourage them to write, read, and use communication skills everyday, no matter whether they do not have good educational background

•to give more workshops on Black/deaf issues that help them understand about themselves and their needs

•encouragement

•role model

•break the way

•training course and workshop

•challenge them with support

•evaluate Black community about culture

•cooperative programs

•mentorship—get student involvement with community activities

•to help provide what Black deaf people need

•monitor the educational programs that the Black students are in during their high school process to ensure that the student education is of a quality nature

•encourage them to apply and give them encouragement once they are in the program

•educate parents with sign language, how to get along with them

•BDA can support students by having events for them

•church can support students by scholarships

•family, friends, teachers???

•support

•have resources available in the community about different higher education

•establish workshops

•advocacy from BDA, search for scholarship assistance

•offer pre-studies for entrance test (GRE, GMAT)

•continue and establish a higher education conference

•help educate current schools on how to provide better services or to improve their services for deaf students

•provide more role models in higher education settings

•the Black deaf community can express the great need for more Black deaf college graduates so they will feel valued

2. How can we develop a better networking system between the Black hearing community and the Black deaf community?

•central database of all members of the Black deaf community (not only members of BDA, etc.)

•get an electronic mail for faster networking via computers. This is cheaper than long distance calls in the long run and much faster.

•develop training programs in advocacy, political process, etc. You have to get into the system to change it.

•it is our responsibility to educate the Black hearing community about our own Black deaf community

•to establish rap sessions to focus on the common needs and common goals

•affiliate with NAACP on the local and national level

•involve many Black parents in events for Black deaf children and parents

•to participate a member of each organization

•keep communication with each other at all times

•to be guest speaker for different organizations

•newsletter

•call for papers for the NBDA conference

•cultural awareness sessions

•sign language classes

•provide social activities together

•develop and maintain contacts through cooperative programs

•BDA needs to become more active within the Black community

•by educating the Black hearing and professional community and working with them

•making a list of names, addresses, and phone numbers to share and exchange information

•encourage participation in the school, church, community, and civic group

•use the churches to search for commonalities

•find benefits that will accrue from this networking to both hearing and deaf communities

•invest with organization (national) that can support this cause; also educate each other in understanding what is needed to communicate better.

•educate Black hearing community about the needs of Black deaf community

•working with Black professional organizations to assist Black deaf community

•working with white deaf community, also.

About the Presenters

Dianne Brooks is currently an associate director of the Division of Career Opportunities at NTID. She also serves as an adjunct faculty member in the RIT College of Liberal Arts and has taught in the Graduate School of Education and Human Services at the University of Rochester. She received an M.A. in counseling from Gallaudet University and was an assistant professor in the graduate Department of Counseling at Gallaudet before moving to NTID in 1980. Ms. Brooks has undertaken additional doctoral studies at the University of Maryland and the University of Rochester. She has been involved in the field of education and counseling of the deaf for the past 22 years, and most recently has worked as a consultant to the U.S. Department of Education. Ms. Brooks is a past member of the Board of Directors of the Rochester School for the Deaf in Rochester, N.Y., and is a 1991 recipient of the NTID Outstanding Service Award.

Shirley Allen is an associate professor of human development at NTID, where she has been teaching for 17 years. She received her B.A. in English at Gallaudet in 1966, her M.A. in counseling at Howard University in 1972, and is nearly completed with her Ph.D. in education and counseling at the University of Rochester. She teaches life skills courses and is on the Board of Directors of the RIT Women’s Network.

Carl Moore works at NTID/RIT as a career development counselor, providing personal, social, and academic counseling to students. He also serves as an advisor to the Ebony Club, which assists Black and Hispanic students in adjusting to college life. He was previously employed as a vocational rehabilitation counselor at the Texas Rehabilitation Commission. He earned his M.A. in deafness rehabilitation from New York University in 1983.

References

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